American Journal of Sociology 111 (5):1412–62. 76 Pesek 2005. 40 E.g., Banerjee and Iyer 2005. Imperialism: It was during the scramble for Africa when Germany occupied African countries. Table 2 displays the marginal effect of a 1-standard-deviation increase in all of the statistically significant variables in the model. Steinmetz, George. Rhodes founded the De Beers Mining Company, owned the British South Africa Company and gave his name to what became the historical region termed Rhodesia. Our next robustness check adds the level of pre-colonial political centralization as a control, variable (see Appendix Section 6 for detailed results). We first lend support to our basic assumption that this phase of colonial state building was driven by the ‘hegemony imperative’.31 The subsequent sections elaborate on our two main hypotheses. 4e Nature of German ImperialismTh to its altitude, Ngorongoro featured a mild climate, was free from tsetse, and remote enough from the next governmental outpost to … To determine which factors explain the patterns of German colonial state expansion, we now turn to a statistical analysis. ——. Measuring state capacity using the tax-to-GDP ratio conflates extractive motives with issues of territorial control. Such considerations may have also driven the spatio-temporal expansion of the colonial state. In most of the hinterland, however, the company had little impact on the local population, (Pesek 2005). Suffolk: James Currey. Such a strategy of state penetration serves the ‘hegemony imperative’ of primitive state building: it increases the share of the local population exposed to symbols of state authority and reduces the time needed to deploy troops to any location in the territory. In October 1904, General Lothar von Trotha issued orders to kill every male Herero and drive the women and children into the desert; when the order was lifted at the end of 1904, prisoners were herded into concentration camps and given as slave labor to German businesses; many died of overwork and malnutrition. Most other control variables also fail to consistently attain statistical significance across the three specifications. Given the non-linear nature of the model specification, it is difficult to judge the substantive, significance of each of the variables with respect to the probability of station presence. Soifer, Hillel, and Matthias vom Hau. 78 For the initial set of stations that existed in 1890, the territorial control value is not well defined. The German Empire, a latecomer to the colonial game, only sought territorial possessions in the New Imperialism stage of colonialism.5 This period was characterized by European nations’ virtually insatiable hunger for territorial acquisitions overseas, as the result of a highly nationalistic environment demanding that nations solidify their international standing both internationally and domestically. Mahoney, James. Station presence, a hot climate and the presence of road infrastructure are the only statistically significant predictors of cotton plantations. The inclusion or exclusion of these post-treatment controls does not affect any of our substantive results. How could this document be used to explain a driving force behind European imperialism in Africa? Made by: Jack Kaeberlein and Julian Damann-Meldau. Are your grades inconsistent? Interestingly, when we interact our measures of the territorial control value and violent resistance with the political centralization variable, we find that this weakens the effects of the five-year lag Battle Index variable in areas with ethnic groups featuring clear political hierarchies. American Economic Review 95 (4):1190–213. Some historians argue that Germany’s role in Africa gave rise to an emphasis on racial superiority at home, which in turn was used by the Nazis. Secondly, our findings add to research on the long-term repercussions of early phases of state. 84 Marner 1940. Once war was declared in late July 1914 Britain and its allies promptly moved against the colonies, the public was informed that German colonies were a threat. This added another layer of pressure for colonial administrators to create a state apparatus that maximized territorial control and security. In 1904, the Herero and Nama began a large rebellion that lasted until 1907, ending with the near destruction of the Herero people. 1903. All outcome, explanatory and control variables presented below are measured per grid cell. Again, this difference in measurement has no substantive impact on our findings (see Appendix Section 9). As mentioned above, these conditions were at some point in time present in the majority of colonial state-building attempts in sub-Saharan Africa in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and mirror the challenges other states have faced throughout history. Hence, we rely on a general indicator of soil suitability for agriculture from the Harmonized World Soil Database.86 We also added data on the yearly world market price of cotton and rubber.87 The extractive potential of each product is modeled via the soil quality measures, world market prices and their respective interaction terms. Bismarck is happy with other nations being busy “down there.”. This might indicate that some groups were able to parlay their resistance into a stable bargain with the German colonial administration, but only if they could rely on internal hierarchical structures that facilitated negotiations. 1911. Münster: LIT Verlag. By the end of the 19th century, the map of Africa resembled a patchwork quilt of different colonial empires. 49, 711–737 Copyright © Cambridge University Press, 2017, The Territorial Expansion of the Colonial State: Evidence from German East Africa 1890–1909, JAN PIERSKALLA, ALEXANDER DE JUAN AND MAX MONTGOMERY*. The variable Territorial Control Value is then simply the expected overall decrease in minimum distances from each grid cell to its nearest station if a station existed in that grid cell. 66 Iliffe 1979; Koponen 1995. 81 Excluding this variable from the model does not affect the results with respect to our measure of the, the size of ethnic groups, which we used to identify rough ethnic settlement patterns. 2007. Good, Bad, and Ugly Colonial Activities: Do They Matter for Economic Development. Thus the build-up of state capacity should be most likely in locations with high ‘territorial control values’49 in the centers of thus-far-uncontrolled regions, where the establishment of a state presence promises to maximize additional territorial coverage. Out of a total of 235 entries, 200 contain explicit information on the location of the battle. It has been reported that German colonial agents, as well as members of numerous expeditions through the colony, were eagerly trying to provide maps of the colony that were as detailed and accurate as possible.73 Maps played an essential role in all kinds of military expeditions, political planning and economic activities. Nigmann, Ernst. 1981. New York: Cambridge University Press. Paris: Hatier. Jackson, Robert. Political dynamics – which are often characterized by reactive, on-the-ground decision making rather than structural geographic, demographic or economic factors – appear to be the primary catalyst for the sub- national expansion of state institutions. We supplement these quantitative data with additional qualitative evidence from primary archival sources from the colony. DOAG continuously expanded its territorial presence by establishing a number of small trading stations in coastal areas.58 The company increasingly intervened in pre-existing cultural, political and economic structures, predominantly by establishing authority over tariffs and taxes, jurisdiction and land rights.59 In 1888, in response to DOAG’s heavy interference in political and economic affairs along the coast, local wealthy merchants and landowners began to mobilize resistance against the German intruders in the so-called Abushiri Revolt.60 Bismarck initially hesitated to intervene on behalf of DOAG, but finally decided to charge Hermann von Wissmann with commanding a hastily recruited contingent of local soldiers to quell the resistance. 70 Koponen 1995, 241. The German effort included the first commercial enterprises in the 1850s and 1860s in West Africa, East Africa, the Samoan Islands, and the unexplored north-east quarter of New Guinea with adjacent islands. The process of the ‘primitive accumulation of power’3 constitutes an initial and basic phase of state building that focuses on establishing state presence and control; in this phase, state elites have limited ambitions beyond territorial domination, since they are often constrained by a disjuncture between their national capabilities and the size of the territory they aim to control.4 These conditions characterize a. A grid cell at the minimum value of the Battle Index variable (that is, with no violent clashes or far from major battles in the preceding year) has an approximate probability of receiving a station of 3.8 per cent. 93 Gerring et al. Once defeated, thousands of Herero and Nama were imprisoned in concentration camps, where the majority died of disease, abuse, and exhaustion. The German administration claimed most parts of the territory early on. some military units held out longer: German South-West Africa surrendered in 1915, Kamerun in 1916, and German East Africa only in 1918 by war’s end. * Authors contributed equally. First, our explanation of the sub-national expansion of the state refines and extends classic theories from the comparative politics literature to understand sub-national variation in the pattern of state expansion. He reluctantly acquiesced to pleas for help to deal with revolts and armed hostilities by often powerful rulers whose lucrative slaving activities seemed at risk. The basic idea underlying this movement was that colonial Many civil wars last for several decades, with rebel groups effectively controlling large portions of a country and displacing state institutions. Gwassa, Gilbert Clement Kamana. 17 Tilly (1990) further asserts the importance of ‘war making’ in the process of state building in Western Europe, essentially referring to the elimination of external threats from outside powers. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 733. rule, similarly indicating that the state did establish new stations as a direct reaction to previous instances of violent resistance and to minimize state absence. State Making and the Politics of the Frontier in Central Benin. While unique in some ways, analyzing German colonial rule in German East Africa can shed light on the rudimentary processes of state penetration in the early phases of state building. Gennaioli, Nicola, and Ilia Rainer. We have a team of professional academic writers who can handle all your assignments. Deutsches Kolonial-lexikon [German Colonial Lexicon]. Citizen and Subject: Contemporary Africa and the Legacy of Late. You fill all the paper instructions in the order form. 38 Huillery 2011. The only two African countries to remain independent were Liberia and Ethiopia. 82 Koponen 1995. StudentHomeworkHelp offers writing services for our clients research purposes and helping them to gain better understanding of the subject. Journal of Democracy 15 (2):17–31. 2002. The Maintenance of Law and Order in British Colonial Africa. It is related to the Age of Imperialism and the expansion of the European empires in the 19th century. 2006. The two parameters y,ϴ represent the effects of violent resistance and the grid cell’s territorial control value for state expansion. Sethuraj, Madhavan R., and Ninan T. Mathew. Guerrillas and Revolution in Latin America, Revised edition. Due to the absence of smaller, second-tier units that would allow statistical analyses on a more disaggregated level, we created an artificial grid net of 450 50 × 50 kilometer-sized cells covering the territory of the colony. When using the distance to the nearest station as a dependent variable, we generate problems of strong spatial autocorrelation, since neighboring cells have very similar values on the dependent variable. Hamburg: Hammerich & Lesser. In 1891 the German imperial government took over administration of the area from the German East Africa Company. To further ascertain the strength of our findings, we conducted a series of robustness checks. Thies 2007; Tilly 1990. Koloniale Herrschaft: zur soziologischen Theorie der Staatsentstehung am. 71 Iliffe 1979; Koponen 1995. end of German colonial rule following Germany’s defeat in WWI, thereby barring us from investigating the consequences of these deliberations any further. The substantive size of these effects is also more meaningful than other variables in the model. German Imperialism Timeline created by yanissa082. Those experiments included sterilization and injection of smallpox, typhus, and tuberculosis. Between 1884 and 1885, Germany acquired German Southwest Africa (today Namibia), Togoland (today the Republic of Togo), the Cameroons (today the Republic of Cameroon), and German East Africa (today Tanzania). First we create a simple yearly count variable for all battles that took place within the grid cell. In effect, this led to a prioritization of state building in both areas with previous violent resistance against colonial rule and areas that promised maximum territorial coverage. Winners and Losers in the Commodity Lottery: The Impact of Terms of Trade Growth and Volatility in the Periphery 1870–1939. 45 Young 1994, 35. German Confederation In 1815, the Congress of Vienna created the German Confederation, which was a group of states that included Prussia. 1–25 in Guardians of Empire: The Armed Forces of the Colonial, Powers, C. 1700–1964, edited by David Killingray. 1994. Details on historical sources for our variables are provided in Appendix Section 1, while summary statistics for all variables are presented in Section 2. ‘Schwarz-weiss-rot über Ostafrika!’: deutsche Kolonialpläne und afrikanische Realität [‘Black-white-red over East-Africa’: German Colonial Plans and African Reality’]. 14 Weber 1976. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 715, Extraction and cost considerations were most certainly important to any state-led colonial project. 2012. Cohen, Youssef, Brian R. Brown, and Abramo F. K. Organski. American Economic Review 91 (5):1369–401. The German Imperial Colonial Office produced annual reports from 1892 to 1914 on the colonies, with substantive statistical annexes. 1999. Contrary to the German. American Journal of Sociology 116 (5):1437–77. The first agent of German imperialism was Carl Peters, who, with Count Joachim von Pfeil and Karl Juhlke, evaded the sultan of Zanzibar late in 1884 to land on the mainland and made a number of “contracts” in the Usambara area by which several chiefs were said … 1920. 51 Acemoglu, Johnson, and Robinson 2001; Boone 2003; Gerring et al. Boone, Catherine. This suggests a model of developing colonial state institutions in concentric circles around administrative capitals. Districts were the only meaningful and formalized administrative units of the German colonial state. The road measure might be partially endogenous to the presence of a station. Prominent studies by Weber on eighteenth and nineteenth century France14 and Scott on Southeast Asia15, highlight that the abilities and costs of state penetration are related to the distance and accessibility of the targeted regions. The German states prior to 1870 retained separate political structures and goals, and German foreign policy up to and including the age of German Chancellor Otto von Bismarck concentrated on resolving the “German question” in Europe and securing German interests on the continent. The Imperative of State Building. Hariri, Jacob Gerner. 2005. The rise of German imperialism and colonialism coincided with the latter stages of the “Scramble for Africa” during which enterprising German individuals, rather than government entities, competed with other already established colonies and colonialist entrepreneurs. 86 Fischer et al. We use information from the Military Orientation Book for German East-Africa (Militärisches Orientierungsheft für Deutsch-Ostafrika), which was prepared by the German military and published in 1911. 26 Tilly 1990; Weber 1976 27 Wickham-Crowley 1993. Moreover, we have good reason to believe that the colonial maps provide comparably accurate geographical representations. Our findings contribute to this research by providing evidence of the factors that drove specific instances of rudimentary state building. American Journal of Political Science 56 (2): 465–83. In 2004, the German government recognized and apologized for the events. 2011. Fischer, G., F. Nachtergaele, S. Prieler, H. van Velthuizen, D. Verelst, and D. Wiberg. 54 Callahan 2002. Predicted probability of a station in grid cell i as a function of Territorial Control Value. Specifically, we calculate the minimum distance from, Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 723, each grid cell i to the nearest colonial station in grid cell j in year t. We then consider how these minimum distances would change if a new station were to be built in grid cell i. It has been argued, for example, that the type and intensity of colonial rule were heavily influenced by levels of pre-colonial ethnic organization and centralization.51, While such structural conditions are likely to shape state building, we want to emphasize that state building generally takes place under conditions of uncertainty and a lack of accurate information – particularly in the very early stages. Seidman, Ann Willcox. Imperialism in AfricaImperialism is defined as one country’s domination of the political, economic, and social life of another country. Working with historical data sources carries the risk of substantial measurement bias and missing information. We then assigned the group’s population size to the respective grid cell. A Modern History of Tanganyika. Some variables were re-scaled to improve the presentation of results: Number of Troops, 1889 in 100s; Ethnic Population in 10,000s; Mean Elevation in 1km; Annual Precipitation in 1000s; Border Distance in 1km; Coastal Distance in 1km. While including this large number of fixed effects weakens the statistical significance of our findings with regard to the Battle Index – there simply is not enough temporal variation in violence to recover a precise estimate – our overall findings are robust. This article aims to fill this gap by studying patterns of state expansion in a colonial setting. 6 E.g. Quarterly Journal of Economics 123 (1):139–76. Journal of African Economies 20 (2):263–311. The German Colonial empire got its start around 1884, and in those years they acquired several territories in Africa: German East Africa (including present-day Burundi, Rwanda, and the mainland part of Tanzania); German South-West Africa (present-day Namibia), German Cameroon (including parts of present-day Cameroon, Gabon, Congo, Central African Republic, Chad and Nigeria); and Togoland (present-day Togo and parts of Ghana). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press. We cluster standard errors at the grid-cell level to account for heteroskedasticity and arbitrary serial correlation. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. All indicators presented below are therefore measured with a one-, two- and five-year time lag. 67 Iliffe 1979; Koponen 1995. Actual violence and strategic importance are as (or even more) important than structural factors like population density or road length. 2007. The Colonial Origins of Comparative Development: An Empirical Investigation. WikiWikiup 1,413 views. Huillery, Elise. 2003. The African Colonial State in Comparative Perspective. 96 Lankina and Getachew 2013; Woodberry 2012. In a period of four years, 1904-1907, approximately 65,000 Herero and 10,000 Nama people perished. Murdock, George P. 1967. By definition, the territorial control value is positive, and higher values indicate a potential increase in geographic coverage. Guardians of Empire. perception, the revolt was not an Arab affair, but united a number of peoples in the territory against DOAG (Pesek 200). This is predominantly due to the strong emphasis on establishing internal control and relatively limited economic extraction. 1996. Deutsch-Ostafrika 1900–1914. European Imperialism in Africa Gathering the Facts 1. 1995. 2001. Hartleb, Erich. [The Climatic Conditions for Northern European Settlements in Tropic Regions]. Later, the Nama and Herero entered a period of cultural exchange. Rome: FAO. 24 Mworoha 1987. We compared climate information from a total of forty-one stations across the colony with current climate information from the WorldClim project (1950–2000) for the exact same locations. *FREE* shipping on qualifying offers. Mirroring arguments on the role of outside threats, military competition and state capacity at the national level, we provide evidence for the argument that actual and expected violence may also shape geographical patterns of state building at the sub-national level.104, To be sure, colonial state building differs from other forms of state building in, among other things, its scope, the actors involved and its lack of legitimacy. States and Power in Africa: Comparative Lessons in Authority and Control. The aim of Weltpolitik was to transform Germany into a global power through aggressive diplomacy, the acquisition of overseas colonies, and the development of a large navy. Whelpton, John. We have no reason to believe that information on location names was systematically biased in German statistical reports. States have to incur the associated costs before they can capitalize on access to the resources of the newly conquered territory. Gerring, John, Daniel Ziblatt, Johan Van Gorp, and Julián Arévalo. Acemoglu and Robinson 2012; Engermann and Sokoloff 2002. The cells were sized in order to generate a sufficient number of cases for meaningful statistical analysis, while considering potential imprecisions resulting from the geo-referencing and geo-coding of the colonial maps. By contrast, cotton is a much more flexible plant. Lange, Matthew, James Mahoney, and Matthias vom Hau. The Development of Capitalism in Northern Nigeria. Finally, since our goal is to understand the motives behind state expansion from the colonial government’s perspective, it is to some extent an advantage to rely on source material that reflects the information that was available at the time. This theoretical account differs from existing work, for example, Tilly’s argument of war making as state making, due to its focus on the spatial dimension of state building at the sub-national level and a more explicit treatment of actual strategic decision making by state actors. For our second explanatory variable, we are using information provided by Nigmann. Assess the argument for classifying the persecution against the Herero as a genocide. 55 Banerjee and Iyer 2005; Le Meur 2006; Steinmetz 2008; Wilson 2011. threatened by resistance in any form, violence must be considered the most important type of new information in this context.56 Thus we hypothesize that state expansion was driven by responses to acts of violent resistance, rather than by specific structural features such as the internal organization of ethnic groups. With the Germans joining the race for the last uncharted territories in Africa and the Pacific that had not yet been carved up, competition for colonies involved major European nations and several lesser powers. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press. Berlin: Buchhandlung der Berliner Evangelischen Missionsgesellschaften. The parameter αt represents year fixed effects to model the overall temporal dynamics of German colonial state expansion, while the vector x0it represents time-varying and time-invariant grid-cell control variables. Including a full set of grid-cell fixed effects similarly diminishes the statistical significance of the Battle Index variable, but the coefficient retains its positive sign. German colonies comprised territory that makes up 22 countries today, mostly in Africa, including Nigeria, Ghana, and Uganda. In Der Maji-Maji-Krieg in Deutsch-Ostafrika, 1905–1907 [The Maji-Maji War in German East-Africa, 1905-1907], edited by Felicitas Becker and Jigal Beez, 87–99. It allowed us to geo-code 140 of the 162 active missionary stations in German East Africa in the period under review. Each new station increased coverage of the remaining territory, not only by reducing the number of regions without a colonial presence, but also by reducing the distances from the remaining areas without a colonial presence to their nearest German stations. Schnee, Heinrich. Links Verlag. Killingray, David. Excluding this variable from our models does not affect the results with respect to our main variables of interest. Migdal, Joel S. 1988. The exchange later became the basis of German colonial rule. The Colony German East-Africa. 80 We repeat all our analyses using the two constituent variables without changing any of our findings. Trotha, Trutz von. Acemoglu, Daron, Simon Johnson, and James A. Robinson. The client can ask the writer for drafts of the paper. In conclusion of his studies he advocated genocide of alleged “inferior races” stating that “whoever thinks thoroughly the notion of race, can not arrive at a different conclusion.” Fischer’s torment of the children was part of a wider history of abusing Africans for experiments, and echoed earlier actions by German anthropologists who stole skeletons and bodies from African graveyards and took them to Europe for research or sale. The Nature of German Imperialism: Conservation and the Politics of Wildlife in Colonial East Africa. All in all, German colonies comprised territory that makes up 22 countries today, mostly in Africa, including Nigeria, Ghana, and Uganda. Print; Events. Ein Land wird gewaltsam in Besitz genommen. Mission or Empire, Word or Sword? 1980. Appendix Section 7 provides detailed regression results. In 1985, the United Nations’ Whitaker Report classified the aftermath as an attempt to exterminate the Herero and Nama peoples of South-West Africa, and therefore one of the earliest attempts at genocide in the 20th century. Marner, Josef. 36 Herbst 2000. Appendix Section 6 also uses qualitative evidence to illustrate the difficulty in obtaining reliable information on ethnic groups’ characteristics – suggesting that bargains over indirect rule were hampered by a lack of information. Shenton, Robert W. 1986. Primarily in Damaraland, German settlers acquired land from the Herero to establish farms. Journal of Peace Research 9 (4):303–14. 30 Herbst 2000; Killingray 1999; Young 1994. 19 Migdal 1988. Next, we explore the possible endogeneity of the violent resistance measure. Consequently, state expansion was less likely in areas that were difficult to reach from the state’s power base. Krieges [Scored Earth: On the Casualties as a Result of the Maji-Maji War]. The Autonomous Power of the State: Its Origins, Mechanisms and Results. The ‘doctrine of effective occupation’ requires states to establish a ‘skeletal grid of regional administration’ that encompasses all of their territories.46 As Machiavelli recommended to the prince in reference to the stabilization of colonies, presence is an essential symbol of power and helps identify potential areas of resistance. We start by estimating the effects of our main independent variables on the probability of a station being present in grid cell i in year t. Our dependent variables are a simple binary indicator of station presence or the ordinal measure of station type. Territorial Expansion of German East Africa 1890–1909 737. Note that many of our control variables are time invariant and only provide cross-sectional information. In our robustness checks we address this concern in more detail, but none of our findings are affected by the inclusion or exclusion of any of the post-treatment controls. This might generate post-treatment bias. 20 Boone 2003; Herbst 2000; Young 1994. We were able to geo-locate 166 of these events.79 We create two separate variables to capture the level of resistance within a given grid-cell area. Consequently, rather than expand state capacity in areas that are easy and cheap to access, we expect new frontier outposts to be placed in order to maximize the state’s reach and minimize the distance from any location in the territory to the nearest administrative and military center. Prior to German unification in 1871, most of the focus of German foreign policy was on issues internal to the state and its European neighbors. Wilson, Nicholas Hoover. While there are notable exceptions, such as large parts of Northern Africa and South Africa, the majority of colonial acquisitions in Africa fall into this category. Bringing the State Back, In. 2004. We replicate our main analysis for two alternative, randomly drawn grid-cell configurations as well as grid cells of slightly smaller (40 × 40 km) and slightly larger (60 ×60 km) size, without affecting our main findings. The Paradoxical Nature of State Making: The Violent Creation of Order. Section 11 provides additional results for our ordered station-type models that include a lagged dependent variable to account for persistence in the outcome. The Journal of Economic History 72 (2):393–422. The rise of German imperialism and colonialism coincided with the latter stages of the ” Scramble for Africa ” during which enterprising German individuals, rather than government entities, competed with other already established colonies and colonialist entrepreneurs. Factor Endowments, Inequality, and Paths of Development Among New World Economies. 39 General Act of the Berlin Conference, Chapter 6, Article 35. Occupying Syria Under the French Mandate: Insurgency, Space and State Formation, 1st Edition. From the colonial agents’ perspective, acts of opposition can create violent spillover effects by revealing the state’s weakness and thereby motivating further rebellion, thus threatening the entire state- building project.37 Thus while traders, missionaries and planters may have concentrated on calmer regions with high extractive potential, colonial states were under high internal pressure to design their expansion in a way that allowed them to prevent or suppress any defiance of their authority.38, Secondly, in 1885, colonial powers agreed at the Berlin Conference that all colonial powers had ‘the obligation to ensure the establishment of authority in the regions occupied by them’.39. Factors shared within the grid cell i as a function of resistance by the leading figure. Discusses the implications of our findings add to research on the Sociological Theory of state.... 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